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Why Is Abortion a Lost Cause but Social Justice Isn’t?

Why Is Abortion a Lost Cause but Social Justice Isn’t?

Last updated on: November 11, 2026 at 8:40 am by Dennis Knapp

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Why Is Abortion a Lost Cause but Social Justice Isn’t? 2026-11-11T08:40:53-06:00 Dennis Knapp

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I think there is some selective political resignation taking place in the current discussion surrounding abortion and social justice. It seems that some on the Catholic Left see abortion as a lost cause and therefore turn their attention to “other” issues. Yet I see comparatively little effort among these same Catholics to challenge their Democratic representatives to change their positions on abortion. They demand political reform on other matters while appearing increasingly resigned to the Democratic Party’s position on unborn life.

When discussing poverty, immigration, healthcare, or economic inequality, however, they present political reform as a moral imperative. They encourage Catholics to challenge politicians, reform institutions, and advocate policies that promote human dignity.

For them, the political battle over abortion is lost, and the obstacles are too large to overcome. Furthermore, they argue that abortion restrictions are ineffective and that Catholics should instead concentrate on helping pregnant women through local initiatives.

However, I contend that this approach invites the same scrutiny from the opposite direction. After all, social justice issues present their own challenges and obstacles. From what we hear from the Left, despite decades of political efforts, poverty, problems surrounding immigration, healthcare disparities, and economic inequality persist with few lasting solutions. In fact, many contend that we still live within a system of oppression. So why continue fighting these battles and challenging others to do the same?

In a few words: selective political resignation.

The Argument That Abortion Is Politically Hopeless

I recently encountered this argument from reader Todd Flowerday, who offered several observations concerning the political hopelessness of abortion reform. First, he claimed that American political culture lacks the will to protect the unborn. Next, he contended that abortion restrictions have failed to eliminate abortion and may actually increase its occurrence. He went on to argue that local assistance, persuasion, and prenatal healthcare offer more promising avenues for reducing abortions. Finally, he suggested that insisting on political and legal solutions risks subordinating charitable action to partisan calculations.

Now, I concede that we ought to judge laws by their effectiveness, implementation, and unintended consequences. Furthermore, helping pregnant mothers remains a moral obligation regardless of the political circumstances. However, we ought not abandon our obligation to protect innocent human life simply because a particular law appears ineffective.

Also, I have yet to encounter a compelling argument demonstrating why the perceived ineffectiveness of particular laws justifies abandoning the broader effort to secure legal protection for innocent human life.

Applying the Same Reasoning to Republican Social Policies

Returning to my earlier point about abandoning social justice issues because of their challenges and obstacles, consider this thought experiment.

Suppose a conservative Catholic adopted the same reasoning concerning poverty, immigration, healthcare, or workers’ rights that Flowerday applies to abortion. He sees that Republican opposition to certain government programs is so entrenched that political reform appears unlikely. He also recognizes that existing government interventions have failed to eliminate poverty and injustice. By all appearances, the situation seems hopeless. Given these circumstances, Catholics ought to stop demanding legislative reform and concentrate instead on food banks, charitable clinics, parish assistance, and private organizations.

Question: Would progressive Catholics find such reasoning satisfactory?

I think not, particularly if they believe existing laws or institutions perpetuate injustice. They would likely argue that charity is necessary but insufficient because structural problems require institutional solutions. But if private charity cannot substitute entirely for public justice in matters of poverty and immigration, why should it substitute for legal protection of unborn children?

The Political Imagination Problem

I challenge the assumption that existing political circumstances establish the permanent boundaries of moral possibility.

Consider the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022. For decades, Roe seemed firmly established as constitutional precedent with little apparent possibility of reversal. It seemed hopeless—until it wasn’t. The legal framework changed, and Roe was no more.

Now, Roe’s reversal did not eliminate abortion nationwide. Instead, it returned much of the authority to regulate abortion to the states. Some states moved to restrict or prohibit abortion within their borders, while others expanded abortion protections beyond what Roe required. Interestingly, the reversal also made abortion regulation a more “local” political issue.

What we see in the reversal of Roe is the possibility of substantial institutional change. It ought to encourage us to think outside the box, exercise our political imagination, and resist the temptation to succumb to despair.

The Double Standard of Political Accountability

As a conservative, I often face challenges over my support for Republican candidates, as if I endorse all their policies. I do not. I often disagree with their more extreme positions on immigration, poverty, healthcare, and capital punishment. However, because I vote Republican, critics often associate me with the party’s entire platform. Fair enough. I accept such scrutiny as legitimate.

But do they apply this standard equally?

Ought I to assume that Catholics who support Democratic politicians also endorse their abortion policies, even when those policies contradict Catholic teaching? Ought I to expect these Catholics to challenge their preferred political allies with the same intensity they direct toward Catholics like me?

It seems that some Catholics are perfectly willing to challenge their political adversaries on social justice issues but stop far short of applying the same scrutiny when the subject turns to abortion.

The False Choice Presented to Catholic Voters

I now must address an accusation directed at me personally—transactionalism. The claim is that I engage in a political transaction by prioritizing the legal protection of the unborn. In short, I demand that a political candidate support legal protection for the unborn to earn my vote. I do not see it this way.

As a Catholic voter, I must make the best political choice possible given the options before me. Often, this means choosing the lesser of two evils. Furthermore, establishing moral priorities when evaluating political candidates does not constitute transactionalism. Otherwise, any Catholic who makes immigration reform, economic justice, or healthcare a determining factor in voting engages in the same political transaction.

For me, an ideal candidate would support the following:

Meaningful legal protection for unborn children.
Accessible prenatal and maternal healthcare.
Economic assistance for families.
Support for adoption and alternatives to abortion.
Respect for religious liberty and human dignity.

However, given my current political options, I must exercise my best prudential judgment. I must also recognize that these issues carry different moral weight. For example, economic assistance for families cannot substitute for the fundamental right to life of unborn children.

Another troubling development concerns the Democratic Party’s evolving position on abortion. In the 1990s, prominent Democrats spoke of making abortion “safe, legal, and rare,” acknowledging its tragic nature. Today, the party’s language emphasizes abortion access and bodily autonomy, with some advocates going so far as to celebrate abortion. Sadly, throughout this evolution, many Catholics have remained politically silent.

Final Thought… The Common Good Cannot Be Selective

To conclude, I must return to the contrast I presented in the opening. Catholics cannot insist on reforming political institutions to protect vulnerable populations while treating legal protection for another vulnerable population as inherently futile. We cannot give up on the most vulnerable among us and dismiss their legal protection as some sort of idealistic pipe dream. We must acknowledge that the common good requires concern for pregnant women, unborn children, immigrants, prisoners, workers, and the poor.

Why do some consider the fight for immigrants, prisoners, workers, and the poor worth continuing while giving up on the fight for the unborn?

If Catholic social teaching calls us to challenge unjust institutions, then that obligation cannot disappear whenever the injustice becomes politically inconvenient. We cannot demand imagination, persistence, and structural reform for one vulnerable population while counseling resignation for another. Political circumstances may determine how we pursue justice, but they should not determine whose lives deserve its protection.

To do otherwise reveals a lack of political imagination at best and selective political resignation at worst.

Thank you!

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